Written by Richard Ward, Archives Officer
2025 marks the fiftieth anniversary of Britain holding its first national referendum. Prime Minister Harold Wilson made the call for the electorate to decide whether to stay or leave the European Common Market. Westminster politics went on the backburner, and it was a case of being a Pro or Anti-Marketeer.
Alongside Wilson, several of the era’s political heavyweights took centre-stage adding an element of all-star electioneering. In this blog we’ll have an insider’s view of what happened with collection access to the papers of the Britain in Europe coalition and its direct opponent the National Referendum Campaign.
I HAVE A DREAM
There had always been a feeling that a chair remained symbolically empty at the post-war European Community top table. It belonged to Britain who up to the early sixties declined the invitation to join the burgeoning economic bloc, concentrating on Commonwealth commitments and enhancing global trade links. By 1962 Harold Macmillan’s forward-thinking Conservative Government reassessed the position and began to realise the long-term monetary benefits of Common Market alignment. Deciding to take the plunge only to find formidable French President Charles de Gaulle unwilling to accept the British application, and with trademark gusto he exercised his power to veto.
While de Gaulle basked in obstructionist glory Edward Heath as part of the British negotiating team rued an opportunity spurned. As fate decreed de Gaulle resigned his presidency a year prior to Heath winning the 1970 General Election promptly restoring the Europe question to the top of his governmental agenda. Despite a degree of Parliamentary angst, the 1972 European Communities Act containing just twelve clauses rubberstamped Britain’s accession into the continental realm. Notably, Conservative backbencher Neil Marten tabled an unsuccessful amendment for an entry referendum to mirror those held by the other Community member inductees Denmark and the Irish Republic.
TAKE A CHANCE ON ME
Such was the turbulence of the times Heath found himself ousted from office in 1974, victim of a worldwide oil crisis and crippling industrial disputes. Harold Wilson resumed the Prime Ministerial reins with instruction from his cabinet to renegotiate the supposedly ‘Tory terms’ of European integration. The core issue amongst the unconvinced was Britain’s contribution to the Common Market budget that economists predicted could reach by the end of the decade a doomsday figure of £700m per annum. All diplomatic roads led to Dublin and the latest Community Summit where Wilson brokered a deal to ease the financial burden.
Recent election manifestos can return to haunt you, and Labour’s promise of a Common Market referendum amped up the pressure mainly from Wilson’s own party for it to be staged in the immediate future. Never a European unity advocate of Heath-esque proportions, still at this juncture Wilson appreciated the importance of Britain’s growing influence on the continent. With the media onside and MORI polls indicating a sizeable percentage of public consensus on continued inclusion, a date was announced for June 1975. Downplaying the factionalism of the scenario Wilson tried to diffuse the situation describing it as an ‘agreement to differ’.
Read more on British politics and society in 1974
MONEY, MONEY, MONEY
Keeping things simple two camps formed. The pro-Marketeers represented by Britain in Europe (BIE) and in the opposite corner the anti-Common Market leaning National Referendum Campaign (NRC). To promote the semblance of an even playing field a hastily arranged set of rules and regulations was drafted. Containing a pledge that all registered homes receive an official campaign pamphlet and a balanced quota limit on television and radio advertisements. An idea was broached to provide a touch of razzmatazz via a showbiz style final count at the capital’s Earl’s Court Exhibition Centre ultimately proving unfeasible.
Fundraising became the area that best displayed a disparity between the two groups. The NRC roundly condemned the Common Market’s ‘capitalist club’ mentality as domestic big business in the shape of companies varying from McAlpine to Sainsburys jumped aboard the BIE bus. Incorporating advertising trends Director of Operations Con O’Neill emphasised the differences of the BIE’s mainstream modern outlook and the NRC’s old-fashioned soapbox stance. Encouraging the rather novel sale of branded t-shirts, badges and car bumper stickers. BIE celebrity endorsements featured Hollywood musketeer Michael York, unfortunately for the NRC rock star Rod Stewart couldn’t be persuaded to offer support.
KNOWING ME, KNOWING YOU
Coming off the ropes after bruising back-to-back elections Edward Heath was ready to lead the Yes Vote jamboree. Ably assisted by Labour ministerial renegade Roy Jenkins, a fellow proud Europhile. Stage management was crucial to delivering the message and at London’s Waldorf Astoria Hotel, Jenkins acted as master of ceremonies at the lively daily press conferences. A revitalised Heath enjoyed the canvassing trail spreading the word to floating demographics earmarked by Con O’Neill’s market researchers including working mothers and Commonwealth immigrants. At a televised Oxford Union debate regarding withdrawal the reception granted to Heath was comparable to a conquering hero.
Behind the scenes, diligent duo Shirley Williams and Bill Rodgers later of 1980s Social Democratic Party (SDP) fame did the hard yards answering less glamorous consumerist and manufacturing concerns and this thorough approach kept the BIE bandwagon on steady footings. Eurocentric Liberal MP David Steel was hugely impressed by the operational logistics from the grassroot level upwards that would be the envy of many established party machines. Heath and Jenkins endeavoured to further leverage this unique collective dynamic inspiring the BIE’s unwavering momentum. Any fears of complacency allowing cracks to appear on the cusp of polling day failed to materialise.
S.O.S.
Certainly, the odds were stacked against the NRC, but they had in their ranks the box office pairing of Tony Benn and Enoch Powell. However, Benn’s refusal to share a platform with Powell left hopes of this A-List combination upsetting the apple cart in tatters. Powell’s insistence to focus on the abstract fundamentals of sovereignty bewildered voters. Benn applied shock tactics stating without full proof that 500,000 job losses since 1972 resulted from European Community membership. His diaries noted a Special Branch warning that he was a target for an American assassin hired by the so-called ‘Defenders of Private Enterprise’.
Former Minister of State Barbara Castle, acting as NRC Campaign Manager, watched on in horror as extremist organisations like the National Front affiliated under the NRC banner. The surprising absence of comprehensive Trade Union donations and assistance on the ground was damaging to the struggling outfit. One ill-advised incident saw a Lady Godiva impersonator risk arrest by riding horseback through Coventry City Centre promoting the NRC dressed in a revealing body stocking. In a more sensible direction Labour stalwart Michael Foot drew attention to the ‘butter mountains’ and ‘wine lakes’ caused by European tariff restrictions to somehow turn the tide.
THE WINNER TAKES IT ALL
Rain wasn’t forecast for June 5th, 1975, and as the heavens opened NRC optimists praying for a favourable low turnout wondered if this might be a good omen. Benn had finally hit his campaigning stride belied by a strong performance in a BBC Panorama Referendum Special watched by a 10 million audience. Contrastingly Powell devoid of hyperbole wasted a primetime radio interview by deliberating at length on the long-forgotten 1647 Putney Debates. Leeds United’s European Cup Final loss to Bayern Munich involving two controversial disallowed goals prompted cultural commentators to highlight this as an example of Britain’s perennial outsider status.
On the eve of the historic vote BIE supporters gathered in thousands for a celebratory Westminster Square Rally with Margaret Thatcher and Harold Macmillan attending. Newspaper column inches devoted much coverage to Frank Bradbury’s boycotting Don’t Know Campaign whose press release provocatively declared ‘Pass the Buck, Where It Belongs’. The result itself was something of an anti-climax as a satisfactory 67.5% Yes vote was achieved with a distinct lack of fuss or recrimination. Benn was sportingly magnanimous in defeat as his self-proclaimed ‘British Independence Day’ produced no fireworks.
For Harold Wilson it quite simply ended ‘eleven years of national argument’.
SOURCES
Britain in Europe Papers (BIE) – Parliamentary Archives
National Referendum Campaign Papers (NRC) – Parliamentary Archives
Yes to Europe: The 1975 Referendum and Seventies Britain by Robert Saunders
The First Referendum: Reassessing Britain’s Entry to Europe 1973-1975 by Lindsay Aqui
Seasons in the Sun 1974-1979 by Dominic Sandbrook
Against the Tide: Dairies 1973-1976 – Tony Benn
Roy Jenkins: A Well-Rounded Life by John Campbell
Hansard Parliament Debates
Times Digital Archive
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